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Baton Rouge Police Killing a 37-year-old black man at point blank range

From a friend of a friend:

"Just got back from a two-week Civil Rights tour of the South. If today's Americans think they would have sided with MLK, I recommend a visit to the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, where the black leader was assassinated. It is now an amazing Civil Rights museum that includes dramatic tv footage of the movement's marches and protests. You can see all the abuse, police brutality, speeches, etc against the marchers. Police opening fire hoses on peaceful protesters in a Birmingham park, including young children. The bulk of even moderate Americans all across the country opposed these efforts for racial equality. No matter where we live, we should all be ashamed of our attitudes and actions — then and now — or lack of actions. One quote from MLK's "Letter from a Birmingham jail" continues to ring in my head: "the white moderate, ...is more devoted to 'order' than to justice." Isn't that still the case?"

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From a friend of a friend:

"Just got back from a two-week Civil Rights tour of the South. If today's Americans think they would have sided with MLK, I recommend a visit to the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, where the black leader was assassinated. It is now an amazing Civil Rights museum that includes dramatic tv footage of the movement's marches and protests. You can see all the abuse, police brutality, speeches, etc against the marchers. Police opening fire hoses on peaceful protesters in a Birmingham park, including young children. The bulk of even moderate Americans all across the country opposed these efforts for racial equality. No matter where we live, we should all be ashamed of our attitudes and actions — then and now — or lack of actions. One quote from MLK's "Letter from a Birmingham jail" continues to ring in my head: "the white moderate, ...is more devoted to 'order' than to justice." Isn't that still the case?"

Sent from my HTC6535LVW using JazzFanz mobile app

Very interesting quote. My response would be "Define justice and how you want to get to said justice".
 
Because generally speaking the police aren't shooting 12 yr old white boys with toy guns, choking 50 year old white men to death, pinning white dudes down and unloading 5 shots at point blank range. The level of aggression is much higher toward blacks than it is to whites. Anyone that refuses to see that there is a substantial racial component to these shootings is actively filtering out truth. Police are too trigger happy all around imo but clearly the problem of how the police interact with blacks is a problem of a different scale.

Do you always make things up like this?
 
Okay I get your reaction but I do not think you interpret Gulliani. He was mayor for a place that had high crime an he did a lot to solve it. Ask New Yorkers. All they care about in mayors is results. Not politics. Guilliani gave them reasonable, well thought out results.

Gulliani was not making point you are portraying. He was making the point that violence, an hence the deep seeded police actions, are the larger issue here. I agree with his sentiment entirely an wish we could solve this together.

Back to Rudy Giuliani's comments, this article saw it as I saw it:

https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/us/rudy-giuliani-black-kids-have-99percent-chance-of-killing-each-other/ar-BBu9EXi?ocid=iehp

Capping off his weekend of inflammatory comments after the Dallas police shooting, former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani said Sunday that black children have “a 99% chance” of killing each other — so they shouldn’t worry so much about police brutality.

He also dismissed Black Lives Matter — the group and the phrase itself — as “inherently racist” and “anti-American,” and accused the movement of calling for the murder of police officers.

Appearing on CBS’ “Face The Nation,” Giuliani had little to say about the deadly police shootings that sparked the Black Lives Matter movement and nationwide protests — including the one in Dallas that was ambushed by a cop killer.

Instead, he said it is up to the “blacks” to show respect to police.

“If you want to deal with this on the black side, you've got to teach your children to be respectful to the police, and you've got to teach your children that the real danger to them is not the police,” Giuliani said.

“The real danger to them, 99 out of 100 times, is other black kids who are going to kill them,” the Republican ex-mayor added, citing a statistic never shown in any research.

“That’s the way they’re gonna die.”

If he "were a black father," he added, he'd warn his son to "be very careful of those kids in the neighborhood and don't get involved with them because, son, there's a 99% chance they're going to kill you, not the police."

The closest estimate to Giuliani's nonsense numbers is the FBI's 2014 homicide data, which said black victims are killed by other black people 90% of the time. The rate of white-on-white homicide, the stats say, is 82%.

Giuliani's presidential candidate of choice, Donald Trump, last year tweeted the inaccurate claim that the black-on-black murder rate is 97%.

In his Sunday interview, Giuliani proposed no police reforms other than a “zero tolerance” policy toward “disrespect.”
As for the Black Lives Matter movement, he said its members “sing rap songs about killing police officers” and “yell it out at rallies.”

“When you say 'black lives matter,' that's inherently racist,” the ex-mayor said.

“Black lives matter, white lives matter, Asian lives matter, Hispanic lives matter. That’s anti-American and it’s racist.”

Giuliani did not immediately return messages from the Daily News.

His comments came just two days after he hammered similar talking points on MSNBC, saying African-Americans need to realize black kids are “the real danger.”

NYPD Commissioner Bill Bratton, who previously served under Giuliani, said Sunday that some of the former mayor's criticisms of Black Lives Matter are "appropriate."

But overall, he said, the mayor is missing the mark.

"There is no denying within the police profession, 800,000 of us, that we have racists, we have brutal people, we have criminals, cops who shouldn't be here," Bratton said on NBC News' "Face The Nation."

"But they do not represent the vast majority of American police."

He called policing "a shared responsibility" between cops and civilians, and said "everybody's voice needs to be heard."

Giuliani's two terms as mayor were marked by issues of police brutality identical to those being debated today.

During his tenure, between 1994 and 2001, NYPD officers shot and killed 160 suspects, according to department statistics.

That included 30 fatal shootings in 1996 — the highest of any year between 1991 and 2010. His mayoralty saw more than 10 deadly police shootings every year, though it also showed a drop from the David Dinkins and Ed Koch administrations, when there were often more than 20 fatal cop shootings annually.

Two of the most notorious shootings claimed the lives of two unarmed black men: Amadou Diallo and Patrick Dorismond.

Diallo, a 23-year-old immigrant from Guinea, was shot 19 times after he reached for his wallet during a police encounter in 1999. The four officers involved in the killing were charged with second-degree murder, but acquitted.

Dorismond, 26, was shot and killed during a scuffle with an undercover officer in 2000.

Giuliani himself faced intense backlash after he unsealed Dorismond's juvenile delinquency and said the victim was "no altar boy."

Dorismond's death was ruled an accident and the cop who shot him, Anthony Vasquez, was not indicted.
 


https://www.bloomberg.com/view/arti...are-police-shootings-and-black-on-black-crime

"Critics often ask why African-Americans become so exercised over the handful of killings of young black men by police each year when so many thousands of are killed by other young black men. Chicagoans didn’t march en masse to protest the 64 -- that’s not a typo -- shootings in their city over Memorial Day weekend. Federal authorities didn’t rush in to investigate. Don’t those lives matter too?

It’s a reasonable question and deserves a reasonable answer.

Let me suggest two explanations. Neither is entirely satisfactory, but each, I think, points in the right direction.

The first is history. For hundreds of years, the U.S. has in large part been defined by the sharp divide between black and white. I do not speak here of statistics, although they obviously matter. I have in mind, rather, the vividness of a past in which the violence of the dominant race was simply part of the American background. My great-grandmother described the aftermath of the Atlanta riots of 1906, in which white mobs attacked the businesses and homes of the city’s burgeoning black middle class:

“In a moment our sense of security was gone, and we had to realize that we, as colored people, had really no rights as citizens whatsoever. It left us very empty, for we knew in that hour that all for which we had labored and sacrificed belonged not to us but to a ruthless mob.”
Such events are living memories for many African Americans, and, for the rest, are handed down, as stories and warnings, from generation to generation.

The alarming rate of black-on-black crime threatens our concrete security. The killing of blacks by whites, particularly police, touches something more elemental, a sense of fragility within a race still struggling to throw off the burdens, both psychic and economic, of the nation’s tortured history.

That some of the shootings may turn out to be justified is thus very much beside the point. Each episode constitutes a reminder of how the race itself remains but delicately tethered to the mainstream of American life. The lives of blacks killed by blacks are no less precious than those of blacks killed by whites; but the symbolism, the relationship of image to history, is different."
 
Why do we treat the Constitution as if it's the holiest of holies?
I used that because I'm guessing he's all about the second amendment and doesn't know that 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 protect the rights of the accused. Most of the beloved bill of rights is about protecting people from our criminal justice system.
 
Joe Bagadonuts wrote:


Originally Posted by Red
"And does it say anything at all that the police then spent 15 minutes consoling the officer, and not one minute attending to a dying man?"


I agree with all of the rest of your post, but I'm curious what your evidence is for the statement above. The evidence I've seen only shows me that the cop who fired the shots did not immediately attend to the dying man. I do not know for certain what happened to the dying man after his girlfriend was pulled from the car.
---------

My apologies for not answering your question till now. My only evidence is the female passenger's statement. I believe it was toward the end of her ~10 minute video, though it might have been the next day. She stated the cops spent their time consoling the cop who fired the shots, and no time checking on the driver.
 
Here's one instance of the license plate information directly from the Snopes report that you posted.

The Snopes report is referring there to trying to establish if the police scan audio is authentic. Hence they are saying that the license plate identified in the scan is the same as Castile's plate during the traffic stop. They are using that to help confirm that the police scan is genuine. They are not saying it is the same license plate as the armed robbery two days earlier.

The excerpt from Snopes:

"Although the KARE report noted that the audio was provided by a viewer and had not been authenticated by officials, the license plate number mentioned in the audio did match Castile's car, and an alert had been issued about an armed robbery that occurred a few days before the shooting."

It's a little confusing but they are not saying Castile's plate is the same as any plate that was noted during the robbery. In fact, they don't actually say if a plate was noted during that robbery. They are saying what is said about the plate in the scan conforms to what Castile's plate actually was.
 
https://www.bloomberg.com/view/arti...are-police-shootings-and-black-on-black-crime

"Critics often ask why African-Americans become so exercised over the handful of killings of young black men by police each year when so many thousands of are killed by other young black men. Chicagoans didn’t march en masse to protest the 64 -- that’s not a typo -- shootings in their city over Memorial Day weekend. Federal authorities didn’t rush in to investigate. Don’t those lives matter too?

It’s a reasonable question and deserves a reasonable answer.

Let me suggest two explanations. Neither is entirely satisfactory, but each, I think, points in the right direction.

The first is history. For hundreds of years, the U.S. has in large part been defined by the sharp divide between black and white. I do not speak here of statistics, although they obviously matter. I have in mind, rather, the vividness of a past in which the violence of the dominant race was simply part of the American background. My great-grandmother described the aftermath of the Atlanta riots of 1906, in which white mobs attacked the businesses and homes of the city’s burgeoning black middle class:

“In a moment our sense of security was gone, and we had to realize that we, as colored people, had really no rights as citizens whatsoever. It left us very empty, for we knew in that hour that all for which we had labored and sacrificed belonged not to us but to a ruthless mob.”
Such events are living memories for many African Americans, and, for the rest, are handed down, as stories and warnings, from generation to generation.

The alarming rate of black-on-black crime threatens our concrete security. The killing of blacks by whites, particularly police, touches something more elemental, a sense of fragility within a race still struggling to throw off the burdens, both psychic and economic, of the nation’s tortured history.

That some of the shootings may turn out to be justified is thus very much beside the point. Each episode constitutes a reminder of how the race itself remains but delicately tethered to the mainstream of American life. The lives of blacks killed by blacks are no less precious than those of blacks killed by whites; but the symbolism, the relationship of image to history, is different."

GREAT article.
 
Interesting development in the Baton Rouge shooting:

https://www.thedailybeast.com/artic...phone-my-surveillance-video-locked-me-up.html

"BATON ROUGE, Louisiana — The owner of the convenience store where Alton Sterling was killed last week by cops alleges in a lawsuit that police stole surveillance video from his shop, confiscated his cell phone, and locked him inside a car for the next four hours.

Abdullah Muhlafi, proprietor of the Triple S Mart, saw police confront and kill Sterling who was selling CDs with his permission in the front parking lot last Tuesday night. Muhlafi recorded part of the incident in footage he gave The Daily Beast last week that shows Sterling did not have a weapon in his hand when Officer Howie Lake shouted “gun!” and Officer Blane Salamoni fired six shots into his chest.

Muflahi claims in a lawsuit filed Monday in Baton Rouge district court that after Salamoni killed Sterling, he immediately told responding officers Lt. Robert Cook and Officer Timothy Ballard to confiscate the “entire store security system” and detain him.
 
Last edited:
https://www.bloomberg.com/view/arti...are-police-shootings-and-black-on-black-crime

"Critics often ask why African-Americans become so exercised over the handful of killings of young black men by police each year when so many thousands of are killed by other young black men. Chicagoans didn’t march en masse to protest the 64 -- that’s not a typo -- shootings in their city over Memorial Day weekend. Federal authorities didn’t rush in to investigate. Don’t those lives matter too?

It’s a reasonable question and deserves a reasonable answer.

Let me suggest two explanations. Neither is entirely satisfactory, but each, I think, points in the right direction.

The first is history. For hundreds of years, the U.S. has in large part been defined by the sharp divide between black and white. I do not speak here of statistics, although they obviously matter. I have in mind, rather, the vividness of a past in which the violence of the dominant race was simply part of the American background. My great-grandmother described the aftermath of the Atlanta riots of 1906, in which white mobs attacked the businesses and homes of the city’s burgeoning black middle class:

“In a moment our sense of security was gone, and we had to realize that we, as colored people, had really no rights as citizens whatsoever. It left us very empty, for we knew in that hour that all for which we had labored and sacrificed belonged not to us but to a ruthless mob.”
Such events are living memories for many African Americans, and, for the rest, are handed down, as stories and warnings, from generation to generation.

The alarming rate of black-on-black crime threatens our concrete security. The killing of blacks by whites, particularly police, touches something more elemental, a sense of fragility within a race still struggling to throw off the burdens, both psychic and economic, of the nation’s tortured history.

That some of the shootings may turn out to be justified is thus very much beside the point. Each episode constitutes a reminder of how the race itself remains but delicately tethered to the mainstream of American life. The lives of blacks killed by blacks are no less precious than those of blacks killed by whites; but the symbolism, the relationship of image to history, is different."

That is a biased person. Some shootings happen to be justified? Tell me when the last one was not. Even if you happen to find a single one tell me what percent are not.
 
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