What's new

Trump Dictatorship and All Things Politics


The Trump administration’s plan to dust off the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 was in the works long before March 15. But the precise timing was hazy. Immigration attorneys went to federal court that morning to try to block the government from using the extraordinary wartime authority, which allows deportations without due process. There were few signs that the White House was about to use the law to send planeloads of Venezuelans to a prison complex in El Salvador.

The first person to alert the public that the flights would actually take place was not an official or a lawyer or a journalist, but a retired J.P. Morgan executive living in Ohio named Tom Cartwright. “TWO HIGHLY UNUSUAL ICE flights showing up now from Harlingen to El Salvador,” he wrote on social media, noting that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement had taken that route, flying out of a city in southern Texas, only once during the past month and a half. “Venezuelan deportation??”

Immigration attorneys raced back to court. And the events of the next several hours took the country closer to a constitutional crisis than any other clash to date between Donald Trump and the judicial branch, as Trump officials brushed off D.C. District Court Judge James E. Boasberg’s order to halt the flights.

Cartwright’s role in the episode isn’t well known. But over the past two months, as immigrant-rights groups, congressional aides, and reporters have struggled to keep tabs on the Trump administration’s deportation push, they have relied more and more on Cartwright, a 71-year-old immigrant-rights activist who, in retirement, has become an eagle-eyed tracker of U.S. deportation flights, which the government rarely publicizes.

Every day, he compiles data on ICE flights, applying skills developed over a career managing banks with hundreds of billions of dollars in assets. Using publicly available information from aviation-tracking sites, he produces weekly and monthly reports detailing where ICE Air—the government’s deportation airline—is directing its planes.

Over the past several weeks, Cartwright has become the go-to source for many people looking for details on the Trump administration’s deportation flights to Guantánamo Bay, its use of military transport planes, and the controversial flights to El Salvador. Think tanks and legal organizations cite his work. This past weekend, when The New York Times published a visual report describing how the frequency of U.S. deportation flights has not significantly increased since Trump took office, despite the president’s promises, the article cited “a New York Times review of an independent database.” The database is Cartwright’s. His work was the basis for a similar CNN story earlier this month.

Cartwright began tracking ICE flights during Trump’s first term and continued sending out monthly reports to journalists, nonprofit groups, and congressional staff through the Biden administration. But Trump’s pledge to deport “millions” in his second term—and his mobilization of federal resources and aggressive use of executive authorities—has recently put Cartwright’s data in higher demand.

“He took information that was publicly available but labor-intensive to compile, and did something nobody else was doing,” Adam Isacson, a border-security analyst at the Washington Office on Latin America, a rights organization in D.C., told me. “I don’t know if he expected this second career to make him basically the world’s only credible public source on U.S. deportation flights, just as they were becoming part of one of the United States’ biggest national news stories.”

“He’s indispensable,” added Robyn Barnard, an advocate for refugees with the group Human Rights First, who told me she was stunned when she first learned of Cartwright’s background in banking rather than activism.​


Soft-spoken and bookish, with a graying beard, glasses, and a gentlemanly manner, Cartwright takes a more modest view of his role in the nation’s immigration furor. “I think that these people deserve the dignity of at least someone paying attention to what’s happening to them,” he told me, referring to the deportees on ICE Air. “It’s a dehumanizing process.”
Great post. Interesting new info
 
Start with the wannabe dictator. I honestly think one man trying to assume absolute power over 350 million citizens is a wake up call. Your efforts to take our minds off of Trump’s effort to assume as much power, over our lives, as he can get away with, is just silly at this stage.


Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution explicitly grants Congress the power “to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises.” Tariffs, being a form of tax on imports, fall squarely within this provision. Therefore, any effort to impose or modify them must come from the legislative branch.

Despite this clear constitutional mandate, various statutes—such as the Trade Expansion Act of 1962—have been interpreted to allow presidential tariff actions under the guise of national security or economic emergency. However, these laws do not alter the fundamental constitutional structure: Congress cannot relinquish its core powers, and the executive branch cannot assume them without a constitutional amendment. Taxes and tariffs are indisputably a core power of the legislative, not the executive, branch.
Yeah but this is just a jumble of meaningless words if the legislative branch just ignores their responsibility in order to ride the dictator's coattails and kiss his ***. This takes ACTION to step in and stop it, otherwise he can just do what he wants to and that is exactly what the New American Fascists are counting on.
 
He is a known troll. A good chunk of us have him on ignore for this reason.
Ya Al argument and how stupid it is could be explained in this hypothetical:

Congress passes legislation that says it's ok for the president to kill whoever he wants for whatever reason.
trump grabs a machine gun and walks down the street murdering every one he sees.

Now most of us would be pissed at Congress for creating the law and even more mad at trump for actually doing the murdering.

Al would be like, well the voters should just vote in some different congressmen and have them change the laws. What trump is doing is allowed so it's all good.
 
Ya Al argument and how stupid it is could be explained in this hypothetical:

Congress passes legislation that says it's ok for the president to kill whoever he wants for whatever reason.
trump grabs a machine gun and walks down the street murdering every one he sees.

Now most of us would be pissed at Congress for creating the law and even more mad at trump for actually doing the murdering.

Al would be like, well the voters should just vote in some different congressmen and have them change the laws. What trump is doing is allowed so it's all good.
That is the exact argument you all use to dismiss the horror of women killing their unborn children, and that isn't a hypothetical. Trump isn't strolling down any streets murdering people with machine guns, but the lives of millions of children are being snuffed out. Unlike you lot, I don't have a completely broken moral compass and would loudly oppose Trump if he were to do such a thing.
 
  • Like
Reactions: PJF
I don't even want to hear what they have to say anymore.
Points for honesty. That is why almost everyone who has me on ignore has done so. That bit about claiming I am a troll is a lie and everyone knows it. I rarely make personal attacks and don't hound anyone. Many have inexcusably bad beliefs with no ideological backing. They read or heard a thing and believed it because they wanted to. I am blocked because I poke holes in flimsy constructions and the best or only defense is ignorance.

For those who do put thought into your beliefs, I applaud you even if we disagree, and I won't stoop to attacking you personally when discussing those ideas. For those who seek the refuge of willful ignorance, that option is open to you but shielding out opposing views makes you weaker.
 
Points for honesty. That is why almost everyone who has me on ignore has done so. That bit about claiming I am a troll is a lie and everyone knows it. I rarely make personal attacks and don't hound anyone. Many have inexcusably bad beliefs with no ideological backing. They read or heard a thing and believed it because they wanted to. I am blocked because I poke holes in flimsy constructions and the best or only defense is ignorance.

For those who do put thought into your beliefs, I applaud you even if we disagree, and I won't stoop to attacking you personally when discussing those ideas. For those who seek the refuge of willful ignorance, that option is open to you but shielding out opposing views makes you weaker.
I clicked over to see how you were justifying putting people in a Salvadorian prison without due process. I didn't get what I wanted immediately, and I don't want to look back through this thread.

But I'm sure your defense is pretty hilarious.
 

Donald Trump’s most frightening power grab was undertaken with an undertone of sinister jocularity. There was no column of tanks in the streets, no burning of the legislature. The president and his partner in despotism, President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, were bantering amiably in the Oval Office in front of the press corps, mocking the American court system with evident delight.

Trump’s ploy is almost insultingly simple. He has seized the power to arrest any person and whisk them to Bukele’s notorious Terrorism Confinement Center, where they will be held indefinitely without trial. Once they are in Bukele’s custody, Trump can deny them the protections of American law. His administration has admitted that one such prisoner, Kilmar Abrego Garcia, was sent to El Salvador in error, but insists that it has no recourse. Trump, who has threatened the territorial integrity of multiple hemispheric neighbors, now claims that requesting the return of a prisoner he paid El Salvador to take would violate that country’s sovereignty.

Neither Trump nor Bukele bothered to make this absurd conceit appear plausible. Even as Trump and his officials claim that only El Salvador has the power to free wrongfully imprisoned American residents, the United States is paying El Salvador to hold the prisoners. (Naturally, Congress never appropriated such funds; Trump has already seized large swaths of Congress’s constitutionally mandated spending power for himself.) Bukele told reporters, “I don’t have the power to return him to the United States.” Trump, not even attempting to maintain the pretense that the two countries were somehow at an impasse, told his counterpart, “You are helping us out, and we appreciate it.”

The play was signaled early on, after a judge ordered Bukele to return prisoners seized without due process. In response, Bukele posted on X, “Oopsie… too late .” Trump can snatch prisoners and hand them to Bukele before the courts can act, and Bukele can ignore American court orders.

And so Trump has opened up a trapdoor beneath the American legal system. This trapdoor is wide enough to swallow the entire Constitution. So long as he can find at least one foreign strongman to cooperate, Trump can, if he wishes, imprison any dissident, judge, journalist, member of Congress, or candidate for office.https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2025/04/bukele-trump-court-order/682432/

If this sounds hyperbolic, bear in mind that Trump has expressed his desire to do these things. He has built an administration dedicated to turning his whims into commands, however fantastical or dangerous they may be, and he has systematically disabled every possible check on his power by training his party’s voters and elected officials to treat dissent as betrayal.

The execution of this strategy has hardly been flawless. (If the administration had the chance to do it again, it would probably have taken care to ensure that the test case for its maneuver concerned an actual gang member, which very few of the deportees to El Salvador appear to be.) Still, in contrast to the shambolic, halting rollout of Trump’s tariffs, the transformation of the world’s oldest democracy into a competitive authoritarian system—rivaling that of Bukele’s regime in El Salvador, Viktor Orbán’s in Hungary, and Vladimir Putin’s in Russia—has the earmarks of careful planning. Every element of Trump’s assault on democracy was broadcast well in advance.
 
I clicked over to see how you were justifying putting people in a Salvadorian prison without due process. I didn't get what I wanted immediately, and I don't want to look back through this thread.

But I'm sure your defense is pretty hilarious.
It is certainly laughable but I wouldn't go so far as to call it hilarious just because of the consequences of millions of people honestly believing the **** AIO is expressing.
 
The New York Times report on what the administration did….


The Trump administration sent them to a prison in El Salvador under a wartime act, calling them members of a Venezuelan gang. But a New York Times investigation found little evidence of criminal backgrounds or links to the gang.

(What a joke):

“In an interview, Mr. Trump’s border czar, Tom Homan, said tattoos were just one factor used to determine if an individual was a member of Tren de Aragua.
“I don’t say it’s a major factor,” he said, “it’s one of many.”

But an internal government document made public in court filings indicates how much weight is given to tattoos.

The document, called the “Alien Enemy Validation Guide,” instructs immigration officials to use a point system to identify members of Tren de Aragua. Eight points makes someone a “validated” member of the group. Having tattoos associated with the gang is worth four points.

Wearing clothing associated with the gang is worth another four.

A second government document indicates that the administration considers a crown tattoo — much like the one worn by soccer star Lionel Messi — and the “Jump Man” symbol, popularized by Michael Jordan, to be Tren de Aragua symbols.

Clothing associated with the gang includes “high-end urban street wear.”

In interviews, five Venezuelan experts on Tren de Aragua — two police officials, two scholars and a journalist — told The Times that while some transnational gangs use tattoos as indicators of membership, the Venezuelan group did not.

“In the case of the Tren de Aragua,” said Luis Izquiel, a professor of criminology at Venezuela’s Central University, “there is no common pattern of similar tattoos among its members.”

While many Tren de Aragua members have tattoos, experts said, so do many young Venezuelan men.

Of the 30 men whose family members or lawyers spoke to the Times, at least 27 have tattoos.

Mr. Suárez has 33, said his family, reflecting his urban music aesthetic. They include one of his signature phrases, they said: “The future is bright.”

The Trump administration began to move dozens of detained Venezuelan men to facilities in Texas roughly two weeks before invoking the Alien Enemies Act.
On March 14 and 15, the men called their families to say that Americans officials had told them they were being deported back to Venezuela, according to dozens of interviews.

In Aragua state, in Venezuela, Mirelis Casique, the mother of Mr. García, the barber, rushed to fix up his room, applying new paint and hanging new curtains.
 
Last edited:
Back
Top