If you think American politics has gone mad with partisanship, it's got nothing on the American media. Huge numbers of journalists here seem to have decided there can be no higher purpose on this Earth than to exult at great length on the limitless wonders of their side, when not fulminating at the unrelieved wickedness of the other. I don't just mean the bloggers and tweeters that lurk in darkened corners of the Internet. I mean paid, professional journalists.
Take the reaction to Paul Ryan's vice-presidential acceptance speech. For Republicans, and Republican pundits, it was a masterpiece, a performance worthy of the ages, the second coming of Reagan. For Democrats, and their media acolytes, it was nothing but a flotilla of lies.
None of the Republican commentators found any inconsistencies or hypocrisies in the speech, seeing only his "powerful" and "polished" dissection of the Obama re-cord. None of their Democratic counterparts paused to rebut his broader argument, so busy were they exposing his "lies."
I watched the same speech, and what I saw was this: an engaging, if callow young man, whose delivery grew more assured as he went on, but who reminded me more of a junior college instructor than a future president; a speech that had some good lines, some over-the-top rhetoric and a lot of cheap demagoguery, that sketched out a case against Obama but had difficulty filling it in. I saw neither a Churchill nor a Goebbels, but rather a pretty good speech that was also misleading in parts - as many of the best political speeches are.
I don't mean to excuse any of it, but we need to reserve "lie" for the real thing. There's a reason journalists are reluctant, or should be, to haul out the L word, and it has nothing to do with faint hearts or bended knees. It's because the reality is usually more complicated: something that looks untrue in one context may be at least arguable in another. That doesn't mean there aren't such things as lies. But if you elevate every disagreement, minor elision or half-truth into a Lie, you will be deservedly dismissed as intemperate .
So, for example, much spittle was invested in rebutting the "lie" that Obama had been responsible for the closure of the General Motors plant in Janesville, Wis. - when the plant closed before he became president. In fact the plant did not close until 2009, but that's beside the point: his frothing critics are rebutting an accusation that was never made. If you read the text, Ryan didn't blame the president for closing the plant. Rather, his complaint seems to have been that he didn't bail it out.
This is surely the larger significance of this otherwise trivial passage. This is supposedly the darling of the Tea Party speaking, the champion of smaller government and free market capitalism, the reader of Ayn Rand. And yet not only does he take the president to task for not saving the plant in his home town: he voted for the December 2008 auto bailout in Congress.
It's the inconsistencies in Ryan's own positions that make the speech an eye-opener . His selection as vice-president was widely praised, even by some of Mitt Romney's critics: an infusion of vision and principle for a candidate not notably stocked with either. Yet a closer look at Ryan's record reveals a much more complicated picture than the straight-talking ideologue of myth.
Not only did he vote for the auto bailout, he also voted for the Troubled Asset Relief Program, a.k.a. the bank bailout. He lobbied for his district to receive funding under the stimulus bill he now denounces. As his critics note, as a member of the Bowles-Simpson deficit commission he voted against its final report, though he takes Obama to task for ignoring its findings; and while he accuses the president of cutting $716 billion out of Medicare (the public health-care program for the elderly), the budgets he wrote as chairman of the House Budget committee pencilled in the same amount in savings.
I don't see any of these as "lies," either. At worst, they make him a hypocrite, though even there context is important. On Bowles-Simpson, for example, it is true that Ryan later came back with his own plan that incorporated several of their recommendations. What it makes him, indisputably, is complicated: neither as principled nor as doctrinaire as either his friends or critics would have it.
The same holds true of his proposals for the future. He proposes sweeping cuts in spending and taxes, but is light on the details of how these would be achieved . Perhaps he would plead that these are difficult matters to spell out in advance, subject as they are to negotiation between the Congress and the president. One only wishes he would extend the same understanding to Obama.
It is a fair point to say, as Ryan does, that at some point a president must be held accountable for what happens on his watch; that however bad the fiscal situation he inherited, Obama has made too little progress in turning it around . But it is unfair to say, as Ryan does, that Obama "did nothing" about it. He presented proposals, that were rejected by the Republican Congress. Fine: the two sides have conflicting views of how to proceed. This election is an opportunity to resolve that conflict. But a little fairness would go a long way - on both sides.
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https://www.edmontonjournal.com/news/Coyne+Ryan+talk+straight/7172018/story.html#ixzz25AoiMhBw